Golwalkar's Role in National Movement and Partition

 

The main challenge before Golwalkar after Sarsanghachalak was how to speed up the expansion of the work. For this purpose, he himself started briskly touring all over the country. But how could only one man’s movements help in spreading the Sangh work fast and wide? For that purpose, it became necessary to send out workers who would be regularly present on the spot and also train the local workers. So, after careful thought an expansion plan was chalked out. It was to send pracharaks to all the distant parts of the country. In order to implement this plan in 1941 Golwalkar moved from place to place carrying a highly emotional appeal that touched the heart-strings of the youthful, dynamic Swayamsevaks. He tried to bring home to them the fact that the Sangh work was not a leisure-time activity, but something which demanded more and more of their time and energy. The speech he made on the Varsha Pratipada Day in 1942 is an index to his deep anxiety in this respect. In view of its special importance in the history of the Sangh, it would be in the fitness of things to reproduce some of its more important portions. 

Golwalkar said: “It is our great good fortune that we are born in these dangerous times which we must view as most auspicious. The golden moment that arrives in the history of the nation after centuries, is coming our way. If we sleep at such a crucial hour no one would be more unfortunate than us. He only achieves immortal fame who stands up foursquare in the face of adversities. Let us therefore face the present adversity with serenity and determination.... So keep aside all your thoughts about family and your personal fortunes for a period of at least one year. Adopt this life of treading on a razor’s edge. Be prepared to be hard to yourself. Concentrate all your time, all your thoughts and all your energy on this very task. We have to be vigilant about this and steel ourselves for achieving the success of our Cause.”

This appeal went home. About the same time, Shri Balasaheb Deoras too made utmost efforts to send out full-time pracharaks from Nagpur. “Now or never” was the nut shell of his call. As a result, hundreds of young Swayamsevaks came forward from many places to work full time. It was verily a divine outpouring of the willingness to make sacrifices for the nation. There were many who gave up their jobs, ideas of marriage, family relationships etc. and took the plunge. Some householders too expressed their willingness to devote full time to Sangh work. One such was Shri Bhaiyaji Dani, who went to Madhya Bharat as pracharak. From June 1942 onwards, pracharaks began to be sent to various provinces, and the work acquired a new momentum.

At the same time, Golwalkar was closely following the developments taking place in the country. The crisis facing the British empire had deepened. Germany in Europe and Japan in the East had given it severe setbacks. The Cripps Mission was sent to Indai and a proposal to give greater autonomy along with an implied element of country’s partition was placed before the political leaders. The Congress rejected the proposal out of hand and the atmosphere for independence hotted up. Subhash Bose left India and launched a war of independence from Rangoon and Singapore. The Indian National Army was formed and the call “Delhi Chalo” was given by him. In India too, Gandhiji launched the ‘Quit India’ movement. An atmosphere conducive to a decisive blow for independence prevailed all over the country.

National Movement and RSS under Golwalkar’s Leadership

There was no nation-wide organised force in the country that could successfully exploit such a golden opportunity. The Congress did announce the ‘Quit India’ movement under Gandhiji’s leadership, but it had neither clear-out plan or programme, nor was any effort made to bring together all the different forces that lay scattered all over the country. It is believed that Gandhiji had merely suggested to the Congress leaders to sit together on August 9, 1942 to think about the possibility of a movement. He had thought of a period of six months for its actual preparations. But the British Government proved too smart and did not let him have the time to carry out the plan. All the prominent leaders of the Congress were arrested as soon as they reached Mumbai. Incensed over this, the people took matters into their own hands and launched a movement without any preparation whatsoever. All the leaders were in jail and a leaderless movement got going on. A directionless agitation can erupt without a leader, but it cannot last long and is bound to peter out without achieving anything concrete. This movement too, met the same fate.

Golwalkar had surely enough considered whether or not to participate in such a movement and what its possible results, good and bad, would be. He took into consideration all aspects-the meager strength of the Sangh, the lack of planning by those conducting the movement, the lack of a clear direction, and the possibility of a national struggle not continuing for long for lack of a single command for the movement. No growing organisation can afford to be short-sighted and take some precipitate action in the heat of the moment and invite its own destruction. It was with this clear understanding that the Sangh, as an organisation, decided not to plunge into the movement.

This decision provoked criticism at the time and even ridicule in some quarters. But later events proved that Golwalkar, as the supreme guide of the organisation was right. In line with Doctorji’s policy he allowed Swayamsevaks to take part in the movement in their personal capacity. And indeed many Swayamsevaks did join the movement. The Sangh Swayamsevaks also efficiently carried out at many places the responsibility of looking after the underground workers. It was the Sangh Swayamsevaks who led the famous Chimur revolt and were awarded death sentences. The many underground workers whose safety was ensured by Sangh workers included prominent leaders like Krantiveer Nana Patil, Kisan Veer Sane Guruji, Aruna Asaf Ali, Achyut Patwardhan and Kundanlal Gupta. These leaders were by no means adherents of the Sangh’s ideology. Actually even after 1942 they remained as opponents of the Sangh. But the Swayamsevaks did not look into their ideological differences while ensuring their safety.

The most important thing for the Sangh was to set up a wide network of Shakhas and increase its organisational power. It was a time when the leadership of an organisation oriented towards a great, nation building goal like the Sangh had to assess from time to time the situation carefully and take responsible decisions. It would therefore be an insult to one’s intelligence to question its patriotism, courage and spirit of sacrifice. Those thousands of young men who worked for the Sangh day and night were indeed shining examples of pristine patriotism and dedication. The leaders of the Sangh had to assess a situation prevailing at a certain point of time before deciding about participation in a particular movement. After all, awakening and building up the disciplined might of the people was intended for enhancing the nation’s glory.

In order to explain what was Golwalkar’s thinking vis a vis the 1942 movement, it would be in the fitness of things to reproduce here some memories of the well- known labour leader Dattopant Thengadi: “At the end of September 1942, Golwalkar was to conclude the programme at Mangalore and proceed to Madras. The 1942 movement had created a turmoil in the minds of many Swayamsevaks and even pracharaks. The question troubling them was – if the Sangh was to do nothing even at such a crucial juncture what was the use of all its strength built up so far? In those days, I was a pracharak in Calicut. As Calicut was near to Mangalore I was asked to go to Mangalore, meet Guruji and acquaint him with what they all felt. So I went and met Guruji to narrating what happened in that meeting. Shri Thengadi says: “I placed their views before Golwalkar; the gist what he said in reply is as follows: Right from the beginning, the Sangh has decided to observe certain constraints in some matters. So, when Doctorji decided to participate in the satyagraha, he directed the Swayamsevaks to keep out of it and conduct the Shakha work with regularity. He had kept the Sangh as such out of the agitation.”

Still as such constraints can be kept aside at a critical time like this if by doing so it would help the attainment of freedom, because the work of the Sangh as also all such constraints are meant for achieving an ideal, and freedom is our immediate goal. It would have been good if the Congress had taken the Sangh and other such organizations into confidence before launching the movement. But it is not necessary to be put out merely because it did not do so. The freedom for which the movement is meant to achieve is freedom for all, not just for the Congressmen. So there is no place for institutional ego in such matters.

However, the fact that the Congress leaders did not make what they considered adequate preparations before giving the necessary directive for the agitation is a matter of grave concern. As a result, the people had to confront the British Government quite unprepared. There was no well-thought-out-plan. Not that in times of revolution everything will happen as per the plan. Still, some plan is necessary, and if it needs to be changed the initiative should be with the leaders. Such is not the position today. So, the situation is not under the control of the leadership, nor is it in a position to guide and channelise the people’s upsurge of feelings and actions. For any revolutionary movement to be so very bereft of planning is highly suicidal.

Despite all this, there should be no objection to the Sangh jumping into this agitation if only that would have helped in the attainment of the goal. But on careful thought, I have realised that we cannot reach our goal even if we took part in it with all our might. Some people have an exaggerated notion of the Sangh’s present strength. In particular, people in areas where the Sangh is strong imagine that it is equally strong in other parts of the country as well. But the fact is, it is not so. Along with your own adequate strength, some other favourable factors are also needed for the success of an agitation, - as for instance, active sympathy of the general public, resentment against the government in important departments like the army, the police etc. It is difficult to say how deeply concerned the people are, and how they would react when the time to act comes.

But even if we assume that all such factors would be favourable for a revolution, I feel an agitation that we may conduct with all our might can succeed only in a limited area – say, from Belgaum to Gondia. So it is obvious that this would not take us to our goal. For, our area of influence is limited only to the middle of the country. In the event of a successful revolution the freed area would be attacked by enemy forces from all sides, and if the government forces entered the area their atrocities on the people would leave the people in deep despair. The result would be just the opposite of what was envisaged. In such a situation, I think the Sangh’s participation in the movement would serve no purpose. I am not thinking of our safety as an organisation, but from the point of view of a strategy an agitation at this time, would lead to nothing but further frustration in the minds of the people.

The 1942 movement set off a big national upheaval and came to a standstill after a time. However it made the British rulers realise the intensity of the Indian aspiration for freedom. But its petering out, with the leaders behind the bars and no planned programme placed before the people naturally resulted in despair among them. At the same time, the war situation had changed in favour of the so-called Allies. It became virtually impossible for Subhash Bose and his army to enter India and march to Delhi. Under such circumstances, the Sangh alone came forward to make Herculean efforts, under Golwalkar’s leadership to infuse fresh hope, confidence and enthusiasm among the people. The people too responded enthusiastically. As a result, during the post-1942 period, the Sangh Shakhas spread out rapidly from province to province. Workers were mobilised to move from place to place. Swayamsevaks could be seen flooding in Shakhas all over. With the exception of Bengal, Assam, Orissa and Tamil Nadu the Sangh made significant progress all over the country. In northern parts of India, especially, it became a substantial force. At the same time, however, there were signs that the national goal of independence of Akhand Bharat was being fractured. Right from 1940 onwards, the Muslim League had started advocating the two-nation theory and demanding a separate state for Muslims on its basis. Jinnah had taken the stand that the Congress was a party of 

Hindus and had no right to speak on behalf of crores of Muslims of the country.

In 1945, the World War came to an end, and although the Allies were victorious, the British found it almost impossible to hold on to India. The Congress leaders were not prepared to accept the demand for Pakistan. Prominent leaders like Rajaji had in fact left the Congress on this issue. Still the Congress stuck to its anti-Pakistan stand. With the war over, Congress leaders were released from jail and the British regime again started negotiations. The Congress, the Muslim League and the British Government were the main participants in these talks. As there could be no consensus between the Congress and the League that is between the Hindus and the Muslims no decision could be arrived at regarding independence for India. This was mainly because of the British ruler’s conspiracy to partition India. They were instigating the Muslim League to raise the demand for a separate state and not to come to any kind of agreement with the Congress.

During this tussle affecting the nation’s future itself, Golwalkar had adopted an unequivocal and firm stand. He would clearly affirm in all his speeches that the motherland must remain undivided at all costs and that this could not be a matter for negotiations. During 1945-46, huge crowds would gather to listen to his call. The Shakha network was also spreading far and wide. In the beginning years leaders of Congress would just pooh pooh the idea of Pakistan. But the growing nexus between the British rulers and the Muslim League made them realise that there was a very real possibility of the country’s partition. However, the leaders, a tired lot, released after years of incarceration, enmeshed in talks and bereft of the fiery spirit of struggle – had become for too eager for power. Still the Congress stuck to its stand against partition and rejected it in its session in 1945. Gandhiji had declared that partition would take place over his dead body and the people had implicitly believed in his words.

By this time, thanks to the inspiration of Golwalkar and tireless efforts of thousands of Sangh workers, more and more young men were getting attracted to the Sangh on an unprecedented scale. The Muslims had become even more intransigent, and partition of the country had become a topic of hot discussion all over the country. The people had come to look upon the Sangh as a powerful organised force that could prevent partition, liberate the country and lead it in the right direction. Golwalkar’s clear and fearless exposition had convinced the national Hindu society that awakening the spirit of nationalism through a powerful organisation of patriots like the Sangh could be the only decisive anti-dote to Muslim intransigency and that appeasement or any kind of temporary compromise would only spell disaster. As a result an atmosphere of idealism and endeavour prevailed everywhere.

So during his country-wide tours, Golwalkar kept on saying that there was no reason to be unduly disturbed by terrorism, atrocities and threats of rioting. Speaking about the disturbed situation all over the country, he said in his speech at the Vijaya Dashami function at Nagpur in 1946 – “I do not think it is mainly to talk about non-resistance. In these times of strife, how can non-resistance ever benefit the country? I feel a violent struggle is unavoidable. You may well refrain from resistance, but will that stop the aggressors from indulging in their black deeds? Do not forget that the sacrificial goat at the Kali temple is an embodiment of non-resistance. We are not to become such sacrificial goats. Self-defence is the natural, legitimate right of every individual and of every society. So to say that one should not take the law into one’s own hands merely because security is the government’s responsibility is basically illegal.”

RSS Role in Partition under Golwalkar’s Leadeship

The result of such inspiring guidance was that people began preparing themselves to fight back those bent upon indulging in atrocities. On the other hand, the British rulers were inciting separatist Muslim forces to raise their ugly heads. After their victory in the war, Britain had a new Government. The Labour Party led by Atlee had come to power, and it was supposed to be in favour of granting independence to India. Elections in India were announced in 1946. While the Congress fought on the plank of an undivided India, the Muslim League fought on that of creation of Pakistan. At that time, there were separate electorates for Muslims and such seats were won mostly by the Muslim League. Muslims all over the country mostly voted for Pakistan. The Hindu vote was fully with the Congress. The NWFP was, however the only exception where the Congress swept the polls. Here it must be borne in mind that even in the interior areas of the country, Muslims had massively supported the demand for Pakistan. The provinces which the League had demanded to be included in Pakistan did not include U.P., Bihar, and Madras presidencies but it was here that League received the greatest Muslim support.

The Labour Government sent a Cabinet Mission to India in order to finalise the plan for transfer of power. But due to a basic difference between the Congress and the Muslim League over the interpretation of the proposal the League rejected it. In the Interim Government formed at the Centre the Muslim League ministers were putting serious hurdles to the Congress ministers at every step. On the other hand, the Labour Government of Britain had no intention of keeping India undivided. In order to pressurise the demand for Pakistan and to terrorise those opposing it, Jinnah announced August 16, 1946 as a ‘Direct Action Day’. On that day, riots were incited all over the country. The barbaric massacres that took place on this day in places like Calcutta, Dacca, Noakhali etc. struck terror in some quarters followed by a reaction of counter-attack in others. In Bihar Congress leaders forcibly suppressed such a reaction. Now the Congress leaders began to feel that it would be better to agree to Pakistan rather than invite a civil war and terrible blood-shed. Atrocities on Hindus went on rising in Muslim-dominated areas.

Fortunately, at this crucial time, the Sangh had become quite a powerful factor in Punjab. Golwalkar was not only warning against the creation of Pakistan but was also personally visiting the affected areas to keep up the people’s morale. During those awfully turbulent times, he toured Punjab and Sindh quite often and his meetings there drew huge crowds. He was straining his every nerve to prevent Pakistan from coming into being and the people from leaving their hearths and homes out of panic. Till that time, Gandhiji too had not agreed to the partition of the country. Golwalkar on his part kept on urging the Congress leaders not to accept Partition under any circumstances. He also used to affirm, in no uncertain terms, that the Hindu society was quite capable of tackling the Muslim goondaism; there would be some suffering, but partition could certainly be avoided. The people too were confident and had felt assured that Gandhiji would not go back on his word.

However, finally, Partition was announced on June 3, 1947. Even a few days earlier, Golwalkar had declared in a speech in Punjab, “We do not know Pakistan, nor do we accept it. We must take a stand wherever we are, we should put up an organised resistance. If we fear to go into that fiery ordeal, and leave our motherland, history will say that these people felt no pangs of pain over the cutting up of their dear motherland; These people gave greater importance to their personal and family life than to their own motherland and its valorous tradition. If this happens, there is no doubt that our society will remain for ever in the dark shadow of a feeble mindset. So we must stand firm `wherever we are and must resist the onslaught till the very end.”

By presenting thousands of Sangh Swayamsevaks as protective a shield to the Hindus, Golwalkar tried to instil among the people a sense of security and indomitable courage which proved greatly helpful in keeping up the heroic morale of the people. Lord Wavell and Lord Mountbatten on their part, sided with the Muslim League and began to pressurise the Congress leaders to accept Partition. The leaders too began to feel the acceptance of Partition would mean the immediate prospect of freedom, at least for a truncated India, where as rejecting it would mean continuing the struggle for God knows how long. Having been, psychologically, reduced to the end of tether the leaders were tired of struggle and accepted the alternative of Partition. Golwalkar as expected deeply shocked and grieved. Nehru did not also accept Jinnah’s proposal that the Partition should be accompanied by an exchange of minorities. An illusion was also created by the leaders that Hindus would be safe in Pakistan. Actually, even before the Partition, in places like Rawalpindi, Amritsar, Lahore etc., atrocities on Hindus had assumed horrible proportions. But the Hindus had not only faced them with courage but also given a fitting reply at many places. Security squads were set up at many places under the leadership of the Sangh Swayamsevaks. Even in areas where they were just 20 or 30 per cent, the Hindus showed exceptional valour and capacity to defend themselves.

Because of the June 3 declaration, the situation had now basically altered. It had therefore become, necessary to give guidelines fresh to the workers and Swayamsevaks in the camps. They were now instructed to go back immediately to their places and arrange for the transit into India of their Hindu brothers, sisters and mothers with their life and honour intact. However they were to stay steadfast there until the very last Hindu was evacuated and sent over to India. The workers went back – many of them to be never seen again. They had given their lives and all for the protection of their Hindu brothers, sisters and mothers. In this traumatic hour, Sangh Swayamsevaks proved to be the only ray of hope of succor and survival. Writers of books and articles on Partition have offered fulsome tributes to the valour with which Sangh Swayamsevaks sacrificed themselves for the sake of the safety and honour of the Hindu men and women. Nor did they discriminate while protecting the people. It was due to the security provided by the Sangh that many Congress leaders also could reach India safely.

Golwalkar himself never talked about this epic saga of service, sacrifice and heroism of the Sangh Swayamsevaks’ nor did he ever try to capitalize on it. In his eyes their martyrdom was merely their natural response to the call of duty – the duty to protect their society that is all. At the instance of Sangh, the Punjab Relief Committee was set up to provide many-sided relief to the uprooted Hindus. Once, after this terrible time was over, when press correspondents asked Golwalkar in Delhi about the heroic role of the Swayamsevaks, Golwalkar said, “We do not want to advertise what the Sangh did, because service to the motherland and to our countrymen is not a subject for advertisement. This is our prime duty. But I will say just this much – if I disclose all that happened there, listeners’ hearts will burst forth with the words of, all glory to the Sangh.”

Golwalkar was constantly in touch with all the strife-torn areas. On August 15, the country was partitioned. Just before that Golwalkar had toured Sindh and also Punjab till August 8. The very idea of how he must have visited all the district places of Punjab in that terror-stricken atmosphere would make one’s hair stand on end. Just one example should suffice to show how he risked even his life in order to be with his suffering fellow-men. The journey was undertaken by road and railway, devastated by rains. Sometimes he traveled in the engine cabin, sometimes in the guard’s cabin of a goods train. On reaching the Chahedu Bridge on way from Jalandhar to Ludhiana, the party saw that further progress was impossible as the bridge was damaged and the railway track was hanging precariously. Right under the broken bridge, the flooded river flowed furiously. Everyone in the party felt it was too risky to cross the track in that condition, but Golwalkar did not stop even for a moment. With a firm and sure foot he stepped on the track, quickened his pace and went across. The whole party stared at him. Then the others too followed suit. Golwalkar’s personal assistant Dr. Abaji Thatte once said, the mere memory of that journey was enough to send shivers down the spine.

Golwalkar had made just a passing reference to this period of time in his address to workers at Indore in 1960. He had then dwelt on the topic of how important the Sangh’s daily routine was and how it was not proper to be unnerved by temporary problems. Some portions of this speech made on March 9, 1960, bear repetition, as they throw light on his line of thinking. He said: “Certain situations that arise in the country from time to time sometimes create a tempest in our minds. Many workers experienced such a tempest during 1942. But even in those days the daily work of the Sangh continued. The Sangh had decided to do nothing directly. But there was an upheavel in the minds of some Swayamsevaks. Not only had the people outside the Sangh but even some of our own Swayamsevaks felt the Sangh as an organisation of good-for-nothing people. They felt highly resentful. After this, there was again an atmosphere of instability all over the country. The Muslims had triggered off widespread riots. The dark shadow of the coming Partition had begun to spread…. Consequently, there was flood of Sangh Shakhas in Punjab. I recall saying at that time that the swelling on a sick man’s body is not a sign of health. Such a body cannot achieve anything. The same thing happened at that time also. Of course, whatever was possible was done to face the situation, but it was too small.” 

This speech of Golwalkar answers many questions that arose in the minds of people in the post – 1947 period about role of the Sangh vis-à-vis the partition. Quite a few began asking if the integrity of the motherland was dearer to the Sangh than every thing else why did it not stake it all and plunge into a fierce struggle against Partition? The frank answer would be that at that time the Sangh was not strong enough to carry on a popular agitation on its own and prevent Partition. Still it did what it could towards that end. Had the Congress leaders and Gandhiji not accepted Partition and compromised with the British rulers and the Muslim League, the Sangh could have taken the people with it and successfully resisted Partition. But when the Partition was accepted on an official level nothing more could be done.

In speech at the Makar Sankranti function of the Mumbai Shakha on January 14, 1948, he clearly put forth the Sangh’s stand vis-à-vis the new era of political independence and transfer of power to the divided India. He could also see that the people in the party in power, frightened to death by the terrible bloodshed, were getting all too eager to hold the Sangh responsible for riots and violence. Hatred for the Sangh was being spread. In his meeting with Prime Minister Nehru Golwalkar had also observed that there was not a trace of sympathy for Sangh. The thought of destroying of the Sangh was growing all the time in the ruling party. The Congress, the Muslims, the Communists – all had joined hands in unleasing a barrage of false and vicious propaganda against the Sangh. Despite knowing all this, Golwalkar, came out with only the spirit of fellow-feeling, forgiveness and cooperation in the broader national interest. 

This attitude of rising above every kind of negative feelings was displayed not only by Golwalkar but also by the entire powerful, disciplined country-wide organisation which he led. This period of transfer of power was one of fear and suspense in Delhi. During this period the Sangh co-operated in every possible manner not only in providing security to the citizens but also in the Government’s efforts to that end. Swayam sevaks provided security at Gandhiji’s residence in Delhi’s Bhangi Colony. Gandhiji too visited the Shakha, met the Swayamsevaks and praised the work the Sangh was doing. When a joint appeal was to be issued to persuade Gandhiji to give up his fast, Delhi Prant Sanghchalak Lala Hansraj Gupta readily signed it. There was not a single incident of the Sangh causing a law and order problem anywhere in the country. When the ruling circles witnessed the massive gatherings of lakhs at the Sangh functions to listen to the life giving mantra of national harmony, they felt that a formidable challenge for the Congress was emerging. So, efforts were started to suppress the Sangh in every possible way. The Sangh already had some bitter experiences of this in November 1947. The first was the sudden ban imposed on the mammoth congregation of nearly one lakh Swayamsevaks proposed to be held at Chinchwad near Pune on the 1st and 2nd of that month. Actually, the Home Minister Sardar Patel was expected to be personally present on this occasion as the chief guest. Consequently, an atmosphere of tremendous enthusiasm had prevailed everywhere.