Chatrapati Shahu: Fight against Brahman Hegemony and the Brahman Orthodoxy
After death of Mahatma Jotirao Phule, the dalit movement in Maharashtra was continued by Chatrapati Shahu (1874 to 1922), the descendent of Shivaji. His support, both financially and ideological, encouragement, his policies and programmes all contributed, directly or indirectly, to faster the movement. Shahu, when came to power in 1894, by variety of programmes and policies tried to uplift and liberate the backward sections of the society of Maharashtra. He tried to reduce the educational monopoly of the Brahman on one hand and to uplift the non-Brahman castes on the other. He observed that Brahmans were dominant in the fields of education, religious matters and in governmental services. To reduce this Brahman dominance he adopted the following policies.
Right from beginning as a ruler, Shahu adopted the policies and programmes of promoting education among the non-Brahman. He observed that the non-Brahmans had traditionally been denied education and only by spreading education among them, their status could be raised. His education promoting schemes oriented to uplift the non-Brahmans included providing Scholarships to the non-Brahman students and encouragement and financial assistance to open hostels in the urban areas for the non-Brahman students.
Shahu started twenty hostels one by one for the Shudras and Ati-Shudras (non-Brahmans) during 1897 to 1921. His assistance was both financial as well as in a way of providing free land to the hostels. These 20 hostels in Kolhapur, inspired others to open hostels in other parts of Maharashtra like Pune, Ahmednagar, Nasik and Nagpur. Shahu also provided helping hand to them. Shahu’s view to start these caste based hostels was that the people were not yet prepared to over throw caste barriers, especially the parents of the students. They might not allow their sons to live along with the students of other castes. The another reason was that caste based hostels would get financial and worthing assistance from the leaders and social workers from these respective castes. Shahu had sympathetic view towards women’s education. He believed in equality of men and women. He also emphasized the need of primary education. On 25th July 1917, he ordered for providing free and compulsory primary education in Kolhapur state, he sanctioned on lakh rupees for this purposes.
Shahu’s progressive ideas and policies of education, upliftment of backward castes, scholarships for non-Brahman students, had its impact on the non-Brahman Movement. The earliest seeds of Brahman and non-Brahman conflicts were laid when Shahu began to promote education to non-Brahmans and administrative advancement. The policy of offering employment and education to members of the rulers own community was in itself not radical and little different from that of the external Maratha states of Baroda and Gwalior, which also were a haven for Marathas. But in Kolhapur, the group whose interest was encroached upon were the Brahmans and they had strong social and caste ties in nearby British districts. Therefore, Shahu’s earlier efforts to appoint non-Brahman officials were not only resented by local Brahmans and attacked by the local press. The resentment and attacks were reflected as well in Bombay province newspapers. It seems to have been easy for the Brahman elite, given their overwhelming educational superiority, to believe that appointment of non-Brahmans could be only on the grounds of caste interest and not merit, even a liberal like Ranade, according to the biographer of Shahu was sceptical of the ability of the well qualified. Maratha, Bhaskarao Jaclhav, “my question is if he work as well as you and I would do”. But behind the assumptions of states superiority were real concerns about economic position.
With the establishment of separate hostels and schools to the non-Brahman students, strength was increased. For example in 1894 the Brahman students were 2,522, non-Brahman students were 2,088, whereas in 1922 the non-Brahman student strength was increased, to the extent of 21,027 and whereas Brahman students were 2,722 only. In 1902 Shahu forwarded his policy to promote non-Brahmans in the state administration by reserving 50% posts in the administration. With his planned and sustained efforts he increased the non-Brahman state officials of Kolhapur, in 1894 the percentage of the non-Brahman higher ranked officials in the Kolhapur state was 14.5 where as in 1922 this percentage was increased up to 64.9. Shahus also took same decision to change the village power structure on 25th of June 1918. In light of the above Shahu dissolved Kulkarni Vatans. This was the bold steps taken by Shahu to remove the hereditary rights of Kulkamis in the Kolhapur state.
Shaul made efforts to eradicate untouchability and the practice of child marriages. He encouraged ‘widow-remarriages, inter-caste marriages and registered marriages. All the legislative decisions, policies and programme forwarded by Shahu, reflected Ills reformative orientation. It was ideology of Phule provided inspiration to his reformative steps. Since 1911, Shahu started promoting Satyashodhak activities. He encouraged to open branches of the Samaj in Kolhapur state. Shahu’s influence over the Kolhapur Satyashodhak Samaj was so prominent that it used to be known as Shahu Satyashodhak Samaj. With the increasing activities of Shahu Satyashodhak Samaj in Kolhapur, the centre of the movement transferred from Pune to Kolhapur. In 1915 he passed legislation, that untouchables could take the water anywhere in his state, he also asked the untouchables to open tea shops and hotels.
At the initial stage Satyashodhak activities in Kolhapur were centered at ranging religious ceremonies without the help of Brahman priest, 200 marriages and many other ceremonies were reported in 1912 and 266 marriages and total of 1513 ceremonies in 1913. In the next year i.e. 1914 the number of such marriages increased up to 299. With Shahu’s encouragement, in this early stage, Bhaskarao Jadhav, A.B. Latthe, Dongree had traveled widely through the villages of Maharashtra to spread the messages of Satyashodhak Samaj, and to mobilize the peasantry. Emphasis was, of course, more on the point of education for the backward communities.
Shau not only encouraged the Satyashodhak activities but also financially assisted the leaders for spreading the ideology of the movement and to open its new branches at new places. Shahu always provided helping hand to the non-Brahman newspapers. Y.S. Phadke says that “it was because of Shahu’s financial aid” Dinmitra (the only non-Brahman daily newspaper. In between 1910 to 1917) could survive (Phadke, 1986: 235). After 1917 many non-Brahman newspapers were started. Shahu helped almost all of them and even when these newspapers stood one against another, he mediated and resolved their tensions. After Mahatma Phule, Shahu was the only person who influenced the Satyadhodhak movement any and by variety of ways and in turn shaped it.
First, by his policies, programmes and thoughts it was clear that Shahu had a deep, genuine interest for uplifting the backward castes including the untouchables. He might have been parallels to his ideology in the ideology of Satyadhohak Samaj. Second reason was hidden in Vedokta incident. In November 1900, a Brahman under Shahu’s service, refused to pronounce vedic Mantras for him. He denounced Shahu as a Shudra and added that Shahu being a Shudra had no right over Vedic Mantra, Shahu’s Kshatriya identity and in turn his right over Vedic Mantras was challenged. Shahu decided to fight against the Brahman forces to attain rights of Vedokta not, only for him but also to all Marathas.
Shahu confiscated the ham lands of these Brahman priest, who were employed by him and who refused his rights over Vedokta. Many Brahman forces outside the Kolhapur state, criticised Shahu’s for his stand. Lokmanya Tilak personally agreed Shahu’s right over Vedokta but his agreement was for the reason that he was a king and not for being Kshatriya. The Kesari a newspaper in Pune also criticised Shahu and in a way encouraged Brahman orthodoxy.
Vedokta episode led Shahu to follow anti-Brahman stance. He started promoting non-Brahman interests to counter Brahman hegemony. On one hand he tried to acquire Kshatriya identity, for the non-Brahman and on the other hand he started, by variety of means, to check Brahman dominance and the Brahman monopoly. This was another link for Shahu’s closer association with Satyashodhak Samaj. He might have thought that with the help of Satyashodhak Samaj, it was easier to fight against Brahman hegemony and the Brahman orthodoxy.
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