RSS Role in Partition of India

 RSS Role in Partition of India  

After the victory of II Word War, the new Government was formed by Labour Party uner the leadership of Atlee who was in favour of granting independence to India. Elections in India were announced in 1946. While the Congress fought on the plank of an undivided India, the Muslim League fought on that of creation of Pakistan. Muslims all over the country mostly voted for Pakistan and the Hindu voted for the Congress. The NWFP was, however the only exception where the Congress swept the polls. Here it must be borne in mind that even in the interior areas of the country, Muslims had massively supported the demand for Pakistan. 

The Labour Government sent a Cabinet Mission to India in order to finalise the plan for transfer of power. But due to a basic difference between the Congress and the Muslim League over the interpretation of the proposal the League rejected it. In the Interim Government formed at the Center the Muslim League ministers were putting serious hurdles to the Congress ministers at every step. On the other hand, the Labour Government of Britain had no intention of keeping India undivided. In order to pressurise the demand for Pakistan and to terrorise those opposing it, Jinnah announced August 16, 1946 as a ‘Direct Action Day’. On that day, riots were incited all over the country. The barbaric massacres that took place on this day in places like Calcutta, Dacca, Noakhali etc. struck terror in some quarters followed by a reaction of counter-attack in others. In Bihar Congress leaders forcibly suppressed such a reaction. Now the Congress leaders began to feel that it would be better to agree to Pakistan rather than invite a civil war and terrible blood-shed. Atrocities on Hindus went on rising in Muslim-dominated areas.

At this crucial time, the Sangh had become quite a powerful factor in Punjab. Golwalkar was not only warning against the creation of Pakistan but was also personally visiting the affected areas to keep up the people’s morale. During those awfully turbulent times, he toured Punjab and Sindh quite often and his meetings there drew huge crowds. He was straining his every nerve to prevent Pakistan from coming into being and the people from leaving their hearths and homes out of panic. Till that time, Gandhiji too had not agreed to the partition of the country. Golwalkar, on his part, kept on urging the Congress leaders not to accept Partition under any circumstances. He also used to affirm, in no uncertain terms, that the Hindu society was quite capable of tackling the Muslim goondaism; there would be some suffering, but partition could certainly be avoided. The people too were confident and had felt assured that Gandhiji would not go back on his word.

However, finally, Partition was announced on June 3, 1947. Even a few days earlier, Golwalkar had declared in a speech in Punjab, “We do not know Pakistan, nor do we accept it. We must take a stand wherever we are, we should put up an organised resistance. If we fear to go into that fiery ordeal, and leave our motherland, history will say that these people felt no pangs of pain over the cutting up of their dear motherland; These people gave greater importance to their personal and family life than to their own motherland and its valorous tradition. If this happens, there is no doubt that our society will remain for ever in the dark shadow of a feeble mindset. So we must stand firm `wherever we are and must resist the onslaught till the very end.”

By presenting thousands of Sangh Swayamsevaks as protective a shield to the Hindus, Golwalkar tried to instil among the people a sense of security and indomitable courage which proved greatly helpful in keeping up the heroic morale of the people. Lord Wavell and Lord Mountbatten on their part, sided with the Muslim League and began to pressurise the Congress leaders to accept Partition. The leaders too began to feel the acceptance of Partition would mean the immediate prospect of freedom, at least for a truncated India, where as rejecting it would mean continuing the struggle for God knows how long. Having been, psychologically, reduced to the end of tether the leaders were tired of struggle and accepted the alternative of Partition. Golwalkar as expected deeply shocked and grieved. Nehru did not also accept Jinnah’s proposal that the Partition should be accompanied by an exchange of minorities. An illusion was also created by the leaders that Hindus would be safe in Pakistan. Actually, even before the Partition, in places like Rawalpindi, Amritsar, Lahore etc., atrocities on Hindus had assumed horrible proportions. But the Hindus had not only faced them with courage but also given a fitting reply at many places. Security squads were set up at many places under the leadership of the Sangh Swayamsevaks. Even in areas where they were just 20 or 30 per cent, the Hindus showed exceptional valour and capacity to defend themselves.

Because of the June 3 declaration, the situation had now basically altered. It had therefore become, necessary to give guidelines fresh to the workers and Swayamsevaks in the camps. They were now instructed to go back immediately to their places and arrange for the transit into India of their Hindu brothers, sisters and mothers with their life and honour intact. However they were to stay steadfast there until the very last Hindu was evacuated and sent over to India. The workers went back – many of them to be never seen again. They had given their lives and all for the protection of their Hindu brothers, sisters and mothers. In this traumatic hour, Sangh Swayamsevaks proved to be the only ray of hope of succor and survival. Writers of books and articles on Partition have offered fulsome tributes to the valour with which Sangh Swayamsevaks sacrificed themselves for the sake of the safety and honour of the Hindu men and women. Nor did they discriminate while protecting the people. It was due to the security provided by the Sangh that many Congress leaders also could reach India safely.

Golwalkar himself never talked about this epic saga of service, sacrifice and heroism of the Sangh Swayamsevaks’ nor did he ever try to capitalize on it. In his eyes their martyrdom was merely their natural response to the call of duty – the duty to protect their society that is all. At the instance of Sangh, the Punjab Relief Committee was set up to provide many-sided relief to the uprooted Hindus. Once, after this terrible time was over, when press correspondents asked Golwalkar in Delhi about the heroic role of the Swayamsevaks, Golwalkar said, “We do not want to advertise what the Sangh did, because service to the motherland and to our countrymen is not a subject for advertisement. This is our prime duty. But I will say just this much – if I disclose all that happened there, listeners’ hearts will burst forth with the words of, all glory to the Sangh.”

Golwalkar was constantly in touch with all the strife-torn areas. On August 15, the country was partitioned. Just before that Golwalkar had toured Sindh and also Punjab till August 8. The very idea of how he must have visited all the district places of Punjab in that terror-stricken atmosphere would make one’s hair stand on end. Just one example should suffice to show how he risked even his life in order to be with his suffering fellow-men. The journey was undertaken by road and railway, devastated by rains. Sometimes he traveled in the engine cabin, sometimes in the guard’s cabin of a goods train. On reaching the Chahedu Bridge on way from Jalandhar to Ludhiana, the party saw that further progress was impossible as the bridge was damaged and the railway track was hanging precariously. Right under the broken bridge, the flooded river flowed furiously. Everyone in the party felt it was too risky to cross the track in that condition, but Golwalkar did not stop even for a moment. With a firm and sure foot he stepped on the track, quickened his pace and went across. The whole party stared at him. Then the others too followed suit. Golwalkar’s personal assistant Dr. Abaji Thatte once said, the mere memory of that journey was enough to send shivers down the spine.

Golwalkar had made just a passing reference to this period of time in his address to workers at Indore in 1960. He had then dwelt on the topic of how important the Sangh’s daily routine was and how it was not proper to be unnerved by temporary problems. Some portions of this speech made on March 9, 1960, bear repetition, as they throw light on his line of thinking. He said: “Certain situations that arise in the country from time to time sometimes create a tempest in our minds. Many workers experienced such a tempest during 1942. But even in those days the daily work of the Sangh continued. The Sangh had decided to do nothing directly. But there was an upheavel in the minds of some Swayamsevaks. Not only had the people outside the Sangh but even some of our own Swayamsevaks felt the Sangh as an organisation of good-for-nothing people. They felt highly resentful. After this, there was again an atmosphere of instability all over the country. The Muslims had triggered off widespread riots. The dark shadow of the coming Partition had begun to spread…. Consequently, there was flood of Sangh Shakhas in Punjab. I recall saying at that time that the swelling on a sick man’s body is not a sign of health. Such a body cannot achieve anything. The same thing happened at that time also. Of course, whatever was possible was done to face the situation, but it was too small.”

This speech of Golwalkar answers many questions that arose in the minds of people in the post – 1947 period about role of the Sangh vis-à-vis the partition. Quite a few began asking if the integrity of the motherland was dearer to the Sangh than every thing else why did it not stake it all and plunge into a fierce struggle against Partition? The frank answer would be that at that time the Sangh was not strong enough to carry on a popular agitation on its own and prevent Partition. Still it did what it could towards that end. Had the Congress leaders and Gandhiji not accepted Partition and compromised with the British rulers and the Muslim League, the Sangh could have taken the people with it and successfully resisted Partition. But when the Partition was accepted on an official level nothing more could be done.

In speech at the Makar Sankranti function of the Mumbai Shakha on January 14, 1948, he clearly put forth the Sangh’s stand vis-à-vis the new era of political independence and transfer of power to the divided India. He could also see that the people in the party in power, frightened to death by the terrible bloodshed, were getting all too eager to hold the Sangh responsible for riots and violence. Hatred for the Sangh was being spread. In his meeting with Prime Minister Nehru Golwalkar had also observed that there was not a trace of sympathy for Sangh. The thought of destroying of the Sangh was growing all the time in the ruling party. The Congress, the Muslims, the Communists – all had joined hands in unleasing a barrage of false and vicious propaganda against the Sangh. Despite knowing all this, Golwalkar, came out with only the spirit of fellow-feeling, forgiveness and cooperation in the broader national interest.

This attitude of rising above every kind of negative feelings was displayed not only by Golwalkar but also by the entire powerful, disciplined country-wide organisation which he led. This period of transfer of power was one of fear and suspense in Delhi. During this period the Sangh co-operated in every possible manner not only in providing security to the citizens but also in the Government’s efforts to that end. Swayam sevaks provided security at Gandhiji’s residence in Delhi’s Bhangi Colony. Gandhiji too visited the Shakha, met the Swayamsevaks and praised the work the Sangh was doing. When a joint appeal was to be issued to persuade Gandhiji to give up his fast, Delhi Prant Sanghchalak Lala Hansraj Gupta readily signed it. There was not a single incident of the Sangh causing a law and order problem anywhere in the country. 

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